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Power, Prestige and Politics How India's Elite Shape Policy and Society

BY PREETHA MUKHERJEE /   JULY 19, 2024

The leisure class in India heavily influences the political and economic landscape of the nation through their massive wealth and opulence. This, in turn, reverbates into the life of the common man by deepening the gap between the rich and the poor, posing a question about the attainment of an equitable society and a thriving democracy.

he theory of the leisure class by Thorstein Veblen explains how, through conspicuous and incessant consumption, members of the wealthy social class display their opulence. The leisure class has the time and wealth to showcase their social status, differentiating themselves from the working class who need to work to survive.

T

 The leisure class has the time and wealth to showcase their social status, differentiating themselves from the working class who need to work to survive.

India has a long history of the leisure class being counterproductive for its economy, as this phenomenon was prevalent in the Ancient Kingdoms. The Mughals were known for their incessant consumption, and a striking example of their massive spending on architecture is the Taj Mahal, built with the collection of taxes from their subjects.

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The theory of leisure class presents a reality check on the rising dominance of wealthy individuals in the Indian economy. Currently, the leisure   class  in    India

Pictured: A Mughal painting shows how the Jizya tax (toleration tax to be paid by Non-Muslims under Muslim rule) had to be paid by Hindus to Mughal officials (Note1)

consists mainly of industrialists, celebrities, and heirs to inherited wealth. Their massive influence is apparent, as the top 1% of the population in India controls 40% of the nation’s wealth (Bharti, 2024).

With their money, the leisure class has the ability to exert dominance in the political sphere as well. The Ambani family, spearheaded by Mukesh Ambani, is particularly known for discreetly influencing the political affairs of the nation. This was evident during the rollout of the Jio telecom services. Initially, Reliance Jio offered free trials of data services and packages for 3 months. The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) passed a series of regulations and these trials were deemed anti-competitive as they favoured the entrant Reliance Jio at the cost of existing companies (Reuters, 2019). Jio has now completely disrupted the telecom industry and has become one of the biggest players in the game. The availability of telecom services to every class transformed the industry and promoted digital connectivity. This business model made it a market leader heading towards monopolising the market. The theory of the leisure class is further reinforced by the ostentatious wealth the Ambanis display on many occasions. Most notably during the pre-wedding bash of Anant Ambani and Radhika Merchant, where they spent a whopping INR 1,259 Crores (Financial Express, 2024).

 

The Birla family stands as another powerful example, wielding substantial control over the country's economic policies since independence. The independence movement, to some extent, was funded by the Birlas who are prominent members of the leisure class. The Birlas have been the cornerstone of the Indian industry for over a century and have demonstrated great contribution in the fields of textiles, cement, aluminium, telecommunications, and financial services. During the economic reforms of 1990, they were instrumental in the formulation of various liberalisation policies and are responsible for many labour laws applicable today in our country. Their heavy influence in policies related to trade and industry is evident in  their role in expanding the Indian market, reducing trade tariffs, and streamlining customs procedure.

 

Furthermore, the Adani Group’s relation with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is another instance highlighting the intersection of the leisure class with politics. Gautam Adani is known for his close ties with the party. The Adani Group heavily invested in the Make in India and Digital India initiatives by the Prime Minister. His vision, claimed to be aligned with the current government, prompted a relationship that catapulted him into becoming the richest man in Asia, however briefly. The Group’s rapid expansion to areas such as ports, power, and mining can be attributed to the favourable policies and regulatory decisions influenced by its political connections. The support they received from the government included large land acquisitions and clearances in Gujarat, enabling them to carry out large-scale projects, such as the Adani Ports, hassle-free. Moreover, the government changed rules in special economic zones (SEZ) to favour the Adani Group. Specifically, rule 47 of SEZ guidelines was modified to facilitate a refund of INR 500 crore to the Group, by empowering customs, excise and service tax officers to process the refund applications (Thakurta, 2020).

​The aforementioned cases highlight that the influence stems, in part, from the substantial contributions these industrialists make to the political parties in India that form the government. It is a mutually beneficial relationship that is not practiced officially but through opaque schemes. For instance, corporate-backed electoral trusts have become the go-to for conglomerates to channel their funds to political parties. Electoral bonds were started in 2017, by the BJP government, wherein through the State Bank of India, donors could buy bonds in the four windows released in tranches. The share of the funds that the parties receive depends more on the amount of power and influence they hold rather than any particular ideology.

Pictured: Adani Ports in Gujarat SEZ. (n.d.)  (Note2 )

 The share of the funds that the parties receive depends more on the amount of power and influence they hold rather than any particular ideology.

The companies that donated generously to parties received many lucrative deals through governmental contracts, such as the Vedanta Resources. This mining and metals company won several contracts for resource extraction and processing, with some scrutiny over their political donations and influence. The Prudent Electoral Trust, which is the richest electoral trust in the country, is backed by major companies such as Bharti Enterprises and the Aditya-Birla Group. 

 

The leisure class not only comprises business conglomerates but also celebrities who wield significant power in shaping the political landscape of the country. Celebrities are known for leveraging their popularity to campaign for political parties, endorse candidates and sway public opinion, thereby impacting election outcomes and policy decisions. Many celebrities themselves come into the foray of politics and advocate for a particular party. A recent example is Kangana Ranaut, who contested as a BJP candidate in the Mandi constituency and has now won a seat in the Lok Sabha. Celebrities also serve as symbolic representatives of the political ethos of the country and their broader societal values. Their influence and visibility in public life makes them an important part of the leisure class in this country. 

This nexus of power between the government and the leisure class extends beyond policymaking: its effects can be felt in the lives of the common people to a great extent. While the impact is not always positive, it is an inevitable consequence within the nation's administrative framework. Various political analysts such as Arvind Pangraya have spoken about the relationship between money and muscle power in this country. The uneven playing field caused by the significant influence of policy in the country often leads to public welfare and the overall social well-being compromised. Wealth and power is concentrated in the hands of a few, creating a large wealth gap between the top earners and the average workers. According to studies conducted by Oxfam International, it would take a minimum wage worker in India 941 years to earn what a top executive at a major multinational corporation earns in one year.

 

Thorstein Veblen in his book The Theory of the Leisure Class: An Economic Study of Institutions (1899) mentions:
                    The leisure class as a whole comprises the noble and the priestly classes, together with
                    much of their retinue. The occupations of the class are correspondingly diversified; but
                    They have the common economic characteristic of being non-industrial. These
                    non-industrial upper-class occupations may be roughly comprised under government,
                    warfare, religious observances, and sports.

​In today's context, with the exponential growth of the Indian economy, the leisure class has shifted towards the business and industrial sectors. Non-industrial sectors have also been drawn into industrial practices due to pressures from technological advancements, globalisation, and economic incentives.This shift highlights how Veblen's observation remains relevant as the leisure class often prioritises efficiency and profit over traditional values, altering societal roles and economic landscapes in ways that may compromise cultural and environmental integrity.

This shift highlights how Veblen's observation remains relevant as the leisure class often prioritises efficiency and profit over traditional values, altering societal roles and economic landscapes in ways that may compromise cultural and environmental integrity.

Milan Vaishnav, a senior political analyst, in his book When Crime Pays: Money and Muscle in Indian Politics highlights the expanding influence of individuals and corporations in the government which leads to the commercialisation of policies in the country. Vaishnav explores how this dynamic shapes governance and policy formulation, illustrating how vested interests can skew policy outcomes in favour of profit-driven motives rather than broader societal welfare. The increasing nexus between conglomerates and political leaders can compromise transparency and accountability, potentially undermining democratic principles.The way forward is to resolve and strengthen the electoral reforms in India. Laws regarding the funding of political parties need to be revamped, especially the Companies Act, 2013 which regulates the funding of political parties from big corporations.

illustration by unknown via pinterest4.JPEG
Pictured: Illustration by unknown via pinterest

There should be certain restrictions on the amount that can be donated to a party. The influence and the power of the Election Commission of India needs to be bolstered in order to curb the excesses of money expenditure of political parties, which will in turn strengthen the democratic values of the nation. 

A transparent regulatory framework and strict enforcement mechanisms ensure that businesses operate on a level playing field, fostering fair competition and innovation. Until then, the theory of the lesiure class will remain relevant in the formation of socio-economic dynamics that continue to shape modern society. 

Keywords 

politics, policies, leisure class, Mughals, dominance, Ambani family, jio telecom services, competition, industry, market leader, monopolising, Birla family, liberalisation, influence, Adani Group, large-scale projects, industrialists, Electoral bonds, power, Vedanta Resources, Bharti Enterprises, business conglomerates, popularity to campaign, symbolic representatives, political ethos, policymaking, administrative framework, money and muscle power, Wealth, concentrated, wealth gap, business and industrial sectors, Veblen's observation, prioritises efficiency and profit, skew policy outcomes, profit-driven, compromise transparency and accountability.

References

Bharti, N. K., Chancel, L., & Pickety, T. (2024, March 19). Income and Wealth and Inequality, 1922:2023, The Billionaire Raj, 1(1), 85. World Inequality Lab. https://wid.world/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/WorldInequalityLab_WP2024_09_Income-and-Wealth-Inequality-in-India-1922-2023_Final.pdf

Gleeson, M. (2018, January 7). Corrupting Influence of Adani Spreads. Wikipedia. https://rmit.scienceconnect.io/api/oauth/authorize?ui_locales=en&scope=affiliations+login_method+merged_users+openid+settings&response_type=code&redirect_uri=https%3A%2F%2Fsearch.informit.org%2Faction%2FoidcCallback%3FidpCode%3Dconnect&state=McVi85MDJAyC71

Parkin, B., & Raval, A. (2020, October 10). The relentless rise of Asia's richest man; After remaking and expanding his father's energy juggernaut and setting up India's largest mobile operator, Mukesh Ambani has his sights set on turning his company into a global tech titan. Financial Times. https://go.gale.com/ps/i.do?id=GALE%7CA637925175&sid=googleScholar&v=2.1&it=r&linkaccess=abs&issn=03071766&p=AONE&sw=w&userGroupName=tel_oweb&isGeoAuthType=true&aty=geo

Thakurta, P. G., Palepu, A. R., & Dasgupta, A. (2017, June 20). Modi Government's Rs 500-Crore Bonanza to the Adani Group. The Wire. https://thewire.in/business/modi-government-adani-group

​Walvis, T. (2014, January 22). India's lesiure class. LiveMint. https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/jSpshkXqxggQXh6V7uvdUO/Indias-leisure-class.html

End notes

Note 1  - True Indology. (2020, March 29). O Zimmi, pay the Jizya. [Facebook]. Facebook. https://www.facebook.com/trueindology.org/posts/o-zimmi-pay-the-jizyaa-mughal-painting-shows-how-the-jizya-tax-toleration-tax-to/

Note 2   - Adani Ports. https://www.adaniports.com

 

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